En EEUU la pobreza está administrado, en ciertas maneras, por el gobierno. En Bolivia, los pobres intentan trabajar conjuntos pero no tienen recursos. El agua podría ser previsto por la caridad privada o por un mercado mas libre con mejor monitorización. Los medios no hablan de eso tema porque eso problema no nos afecta mucho. Muchos estadounidenses creen que no pueden hacer mucho para ayudar a los pobres. No es un problema de clases sociales sino un problema del gobierno. Los gobiernos necesitan respetar los derechos de propiedad y asegurar que nadie tenga un monopolio.
lunes, 25 de febrero de 2013
Pensamientos
Por Ly Cai y Nathan Fatal
En EEUU la pobreza está administrado, en ciertas maneras, por el gobierno. En Bolivia, los pobres intentan trabajar conjuntos pero no tienen recursos. El agua podría ser previsto por la caridad privada o por un mercado mas libre con mejor monitorización. Los medios no hablan de eso tema porque eso problema no nos afecta mucho. Muchos estadounidenses creen que no pueden hacer mucho para ayudar a los pobres. No es un problema de clases sociales sino un problema del gobierno. Los gobiernos necesitan respetar los derechos de propiedad y asegurar que nadie tenga un monopolio.
En EEUU la pobreza está administrado, en ciertas maneras, por el gobierno. En Bolivia, los pobres intentan trabajar conjuntos pero no tienen recursos. El agua podría ser previsto por la caridad privada o por un mercado mas libre con mejor monitorización. Los medios no hablan de eso tema porque eso problema no nos afecta mucho. Muchos estadounidenses creen que no pueden hacer mucho para ayudar a los pobres. No es un problema de clases sociales sino un problema del gobierno. Los gobiernos necesitan respetar los derechos de propiedad y asegurar que nadie tenga un monopolio.
lunes, 18 de febrero de 2013
Sobre “Granito” - Granito Cada Memoria Cuenta - Pamela Yates: Recordando Inéz (María Magdalena Pascual Hernández) (Remembering Inéz)
En el cuento de Inéz, ella se dice sobre su vida. Ella era una mujer indígena que tenía 16 años. Ella se unió con las guerillas porque se quería trabajar por la libertad y seguridad de su gente. No hay muchas mujeres, pero hay unas.
Me interesa este proyecto. Es una idea buena, en mi opinión. Los “granitos de arenas” son, juntos, una fuerza muy fuerte por esta causa. Creo que estes contribuciones pequeñas pueden efectuar cambios sociales en una escala grande porque son pequeñas pero potentes también. Los cuentos de las personas en este proyecto son potentes porque son las voces de la gente, de las víctimas y los sobrevivientes.
-Rebecca King
Sobre “When the Mountains Tremble”
Todo lo que he aprendido:
- Rebecca King
Aprendí mucha información sobre de la Guerra Civil en Guatemala. No sabía nada antes del documental. El documental estaba muy triste, y lloré por la gente de Guatemala. Pero, las indígenas tenían mucha esperanza, y espero que ganan. Yo estaba muy impresionado con la valentía y la organización de las fuerzas civiles. Estoy muy preocupada porque los Estados Unidos eran en el lado malo de la guerra. Creo que hay una problema con las políticas internacionales en mi país.
Todo lo que quiero saber:
No quiero saber nada más sobre la violencia en los países españolas. Quiero saber más sobre las comidas, la musica, el arte, y otras cosas hermosas y alegres.
sábado, 16 de febrero de 2013
Sobre "Granito"--Lindsay
La mayoría de las personas indígenas de Guatemala pensaban que eran los únicos que resultaron heridos en la guerra. Sin embargo, muchos de los no indígenas se vieron afectadas también. Cuando se descubrió esto, la esperanza se obtuvo que un día, todo será mejor para todos en Guatemala. Muchas personas se perdieron, espiritual y físicamente, y los familiares de estas personas son muy pobres, debido a la falta de trabajo y el salario tan pequeño. Trabajo tanto hace poco tiempo para luchar, y por lo tanto, los niños son enviados a entrenar para luchar en la guerra. Una reunión para luchar será más efectiva de luchar solo.
lunes, 11 de febrero de 2013
Sobre "Granito: Cada Memoria Cuenta"
Muchas personas en Guatemala han sufrido por la injusticia de la
guerra civil. Quieren sentirse que hay esperanza, para que puedan creer en un
futuro mejor. Muchos familiares de los desaparecidos todavía son pobres y no
pueden ayudar mucho en la lucha por la libertad y la justicia. Así tiene más
sentido trabajar conjuntos, como “granitos de arena”; muchos granitos juntos
tienen mas fuerza que unos solos.
domingo, 10 de febrero de 2013
Silas, Nicole, Chris, Ryan, Sam
Discusión:
Tenemos una impresión muy fuerte con las videos que vimos. Con la discusión de Granito de Arena, aprendemos que la resistancia contra el gobierno era un esfuerzo de la comunidad. Demuestra que una individual no puede cambiar mucho, pero cuando una individual se unfica con muchas personas, tenemos una influencia más grande. Con la segunda video demuestra que la historia es muy importante porque nos da una idea de que el pasado es muy importante para no cometer la misma acción en el futuro. La última cosa demuestra las reglas para preservar los derechos de la gente. Creemos que las videos fueron muy informativo para nosotros y nos daron una idea de lo que pasado en otros países.
Discusión:
Tenemos una impresión muy fuerte con las videos que vimos. Con la discusión de Granito de Arena, aprendemos que la resistancia contra el gobierno era un esfuerzo de la comunidad. Demuestra que una individual no puede cambiar mucho, pero cuando una individual se unfica con muchas personas, tenemos una influencia más grande. Con la segunda video demuestra que la historia es muy importante porque nos da una idea de que el pasado es muy importante para no cometer la misma acción en el futuro. La última cosa demuestra las reglas para preservar los derechos de la gente. Creemos que las videos fueron muy informativo para nosotros y nos daron una idea de lo que pasado en otros países.
domingo, 3 de febrero de 2013
Tarea para el 4 de febrero-- Sam
Lo que aprendí:
Yo no sabía nada de Guatemala antes de mirar el documental. Después de mirar “When The Mountains Tremble,“ aprendí todo el horor de la guerra civil. Veí los efectos de la interferencía de otros paises en Guatemala. Cuando las fuerzas afueras ejecutar una democracía en un país sin considerar la cimata politica, puede causar una guerra. Respeto la gente quien luchar para vivir y matener su manera de vida, y admiro Rigoberta Menchú, y su valor en recontando su cuenta para todo el mundo.
Lo que quiero aprender:
Quiero aprender más de Guatemala de hoy. Después de mirar el documental, lo investigué un poco, pero quiero ver más de su climata politica y gobierno. Quiero ver como la guerra civil afectó el país de hoy.
Yo no sabía nada de Guatemala antes de mirar el documental. Después de mirar “When The Mountains Tremble,“ aprendí todo el horor de la guerra civil. Veí los efectos de la interferencía de otros paises en Guatemala. Cuando las fuerzas afueras ejecutar una democracía en un país sin considerar la cimata politica, puede causar una guerra. Respeto la gente quien luchar para vivir y matener su manera de vida, y admiro Rigoberta Menchú, y su valor en recontando su cuenta para todo el mundo.
Lo que quiero aprender:
Quiero aprender más de Guatemala de hoy. Después de mirar el documental, lo investigué un poco, pero quiero ver más de su climata politica y gobierno. Quiero ver como la guerra civil afectó el país de hoy.
Tarea para el 4 de febrero: Tielur y Grace
Lo que aprendimos
Antes de ver el documental y leer las lecturas, no sabíamos mucho del conflicto en Guatemala. Ahora sabemos que la guerra civil era una lucha entre los indígenas guatemaltecos, que lucharon por la justicia y la igualdad de su gente, y el ejército de Guatemala, que luchó por mantener la seguridad en el país (para los inversores extranjeros...), aunque uno de los soldados entrevistados dijo que no sabía a quienes buscaba y solo estaba obedeciendo mandatos oficiales. Aprendimos también que los Estados Unidos apoyaron económicamente al gobierno guatemalteco durante la guerra, aunque sabía que el ejército estaba cometiendo abusos de derechos humanos. Además sabemos que la iglesia Católica estaba involucrada en la lucha, pero tenemos preguntas sobre el cómo.
Lo que queremos saber
Ahora tenemos unas preguntas: ¿Por qué los Estados Unidos ayudó al ejército guatemalteco cuando sabía que éste estaba cometiendo atrocidades, si los Estados Unidos cree en la libertad, la igualdad, y la justicia? ¿Por qué fue Clinton el primer presidente estadounidense en pedir perdón por el papel de los Estados Unidos en la guerra civil de Guatemala? ¿Sabían los militares que lo que hacían era malo y si sí, por qué no rebelaron? ¿Cuáles era el papel de las iglesias católicas y protestantes en la guerra? Y por fin, ¿se ha resuelto el problema hoy o sigue habiendo desigualdad entre los indígenas y los ladinos en Guatemala hoy?
- Tielur y Grace 2/3/2013
Antes de ver el documental y leer las lecturas, no sabíamos mucho del conflicto en Guatemala. Ahora sabemos que la guerra civil era una lucha entre los indígenas guatemaltecos, que lucharon por la justicia y la igualdad de su gente, y el ejército de Guatemala, que luchó por mantener la seguridad en el país (para los inversores extranjeros...), aunque uno de los soldados entrevistados dijo que no sabía a quienes buscaba y solo estaba obedeciendo mandatos oficiales. Aprendimos también que los Estados Unidos apoyaron económicamente al gobierno guatemalteco durante la guerra, aunque sabía que el ejército estaba cometiendo abusos de derechos humanos. Además sabemos que la iglesia Católica estaba involucrada en la lucha, pero tenemos preguntas sobre el cómo.
Lo que queremos saber
Ahora tenemos unas preguntas: ¿Por qué los Estados Unidos ayudó al ejército guatemalteco cuando sabía que éste estaba cometiendo atrocidades, si los Estados Unidos cree en la libertad, la igualdad, y la justicia? ¿Por qué fue Clinton el primer presidente estadounidense en pedir perdón por el papel de los Estados Unidos en la guerra civil de Guatemala? ¿Sabían los militares que lo que hacían era malo y si sí, por qué no rebelaron? ¿Cuáles era el papel de las iglesias católicas y protestantes en la guerra? Y por fin, ¿se ha resuelto el problema hoy o sigue habiendo desigualdad entre los indígenas y los ladinos en Guatemala hoy?
- Tielur y Grace 2/3/2013
Sobre la Guerra Civil en Guatemala
Por Lindsay Kleya y Nathan Fatal
Todo lo que aprendimos
Hemos aprendido que había una guerra civil en Guatemala y muchas indígenas se fallecieron. La guerra sucedió porque el gobierno quería la tierra de las corporaciones quien tenía el apoyo de los estados unidos. El gobierno de los estados unidos apoyó las corporaciones, pero ellos eran destruyendo las vidas de las indígenas. Este era injusticia. Pero apoyaron una fuerza para ganar control del gobierno de Guatemala.
Todo lo que queremos saber
Queremos saber más sobre la relación entre el gobierno y las indígenas ahora. Y si la violencia ha acabado.
Todo lo que aprendimos
Hemos aprendido que había una guerra civil en Guatemala y muchas indígenas se fallecieron. La guerra sucedió porque el gobierno quería la tierra de las corporaciones quien tenía el apoyo de los estados unidos. El gobierno de los estados unidos apoyó las corporaciones, pero ellos eran destruyendo las vidas de las indígenas. Este era injusticia. Pero apoyaron una fuerza para ganar control del gobierno de Guatemala.
Todo lo que queremos saber
Queremos saber más sobre la relación entre el gobierno y las indígenas ahora. Y si la violencia ha acabado.
jueves, 31 de enero de 2013
Todo lo que aprendimos
Silas Chan, Chris Coriz, Ryan Pajela, Nicole Dziadzio
Todo lo que aprendimos
Hemos aprendido sobre la existente de la
Guerra Civil de Guatemala. También hemos aprendido sobre el mal tratamiento de
las indígenas. Había un grupo de comunistas. Fue interesante que había mujeres
en el ejército. La directora del documentario habla mucha de la Biblia. La
presencia de la religión era muy importante las indígenas para mantener la fe.
La religión era muy importante para unificar la comunidad en contra del gobierno.
Todo lo
que queremos saber
Queremos
saber más sobre los específicos de la guerra. También queremos saber más
eventos edificantes. Finalmente, queremos saber más de los movimientos éxitos.
miércoles, 30 de enero de 2013
Papers Show U.S. Role in Guatemalan Abuses--3/1/1999
Papers Show U.S. Role in Guatemalan Abuses
By Douglas FarahWashington Post Foreign Service
Thursday, March 11, 1999; Page A26
During the 1960s, the United States was intimately involved in equipping and training Guatemalan security forces that murdered thousands of civilians in the nation's civil war, according to newly declassified U.S. intelligence documents. The documents show, moreover, that the CIA retained close ties to the Guatemalan army in the 1980s, when the army and its paramilitary allies were massacring Indian villagers, and that U.S. officials were aware of the killings at the time. The documents were obtained by the National Security Archive, a private nonprofit group in Washington. Some of the documents were made available to an independent commission formed to investigate human rights abuses during Guatemala's 36-year civil war, which killed an estimated 200,000 people. The report by the Historical Clarification Commission, which grew out of the U.N.-brokered peace agreement that ended the conflict in 1996, was released last month in Guatemala and blamed government forces for the overwhelming majority of human rights violations during the conflict. But some of the documents were not released until yesterday. One was a Jan. 4, 1966 memo from a U.S. State Department security official describing how he set up a "safe house" in the presidential palace for use by Guatemalan security agents and their U.S. contacts. The safe house became the headquarters for Guatemala's "dirty war" against leftist insurgents and suspected allies. "I have never seen anything like it," said Kate Doyle, Guatemala project director at the archives, expressing amazement at "the description of our intimacy with the Guatemalan security forces." Three months after the cable about the safe house, on March 6, 1966, security forces arrested 32 people suspected of aiding Marxist guerrillas; those arrested subsequently disappeared. While the Guatemalan government denied any involvement in the case, a CIA cable sent later that year identifies three of those missing, saying, "The following Guatemalan Communists and terrorists were executed secretly by Guatemalan authorities on the night of March 6." The CIA has a long history of involvement in Guatemala, having helped to orchestrate the army's overthrow of a democratically elected government in 1954. Nevertheless, largely because of human rights concerns, the United States never provided Guatemalan security forces with the same level of support it gave anti-communist forces in neighboring Nicaragua and El Salvador during fighting in the 1980s. In 1977 the Guatemalan government rejected $2.1 million in U.S. military aid because it was conditioned on improved performance on human rights. But in the early 1980s, under the Reagan administration, the relationship warmed up again despite occasional clashes over the military's brutal tactics. As the Cold War raged in the 1960s and '70s, the United States gave the Guatemalan military $33 million in aid even though U.S. officials were aware of the army's dismal track record on human rights, the documents show. On Oct. 23, 1967, for example, a secret State Department cable reported that covert Guatemalan security operations included "kidnapping, torture and summary executions." The cable said that "in the past year . . . approximately 500-600 persons have been killed; with the addition of the 'missing' persons this figure might double to 1,000-2,000." It also described the government's Special Commando Unit, which used civilians as well as military personnel and carried out "abductions, bombings, street assassinations and executions of real or alleged communists." A 1992 CIA cable confirmed that indigenous villages were targeted for destruction because of the army's belief that the Indians supported the guerrillas. In describing one episode, which occurred shortly before it was written, the cable reported that "several villages have been burned to the ground." It continued, "The well-documented belief by the army that the entire Ixil Indian population is [pro-guerrilla] has created a situation in which the army can be expected to give no quarter to combatants and noncombatants alike." An April 1994 Defense Intelligence Agency report outlined how, in the 1980s, as U.S. aid grew, Guatemalan military intelligence agents dumped suspected guerrillas – dead and alive – out of airplanes into the ocean. "In this way they have been able to remove the majority of the evidence showing that the prisoners were tortured and killed," the memo said. But as grim a picture as the documents portray, said Doyle, the project director, the Clinton administration was to be commended for making them public. "The commission asked for documents from Argentina, Israel and Taiwan," Doyle said. "Only the United States responded.
© Copyright 1999 The Washington Post Company
By Douglas FarahWashington Post Foreign Service
Thursday, March 11, 1999; Page A26
During the 1960s, the United States was intimately involved in equipping and training Guatemalan security forces that murdered thousands of civilians in the nation's civil war, according to newly declassified U.S. intelligence documents. The documents show, moreover, that the CIA retained close ties to the Guatemalan army in the 1980s, when the army and its paramilitary allies were massacring Indian villagers, and that U.S. officials were aware of the killings at the time. The documents were obtained by the National Security Archive, a private nonprofit group in Washington. Some of the documents were made available to an independent commission formed to investigate human rights abuses during Guatemala's 36-year civil war, which killed an estimated 200,000 people. The report by the Historical Clarification Commission, which grew out of the U.N.-brokered peace agreement that ended the conflict in 1996, was released last month in Guatemala and blamed government forces for the overwhelming majority of human rights violations during the conflict. But some of the documents were not released until yesterday. One was a Jan. 4, 1966 memo from a U.S. State Department security official describing how he set up a "safe house" in the presidential palace for use by Guatemalan security agents and their U.S. contacts. The safe house became the headquarters for Guatemala's "dirty war" against leftist insurgents and suspected allies. "I have never seen anything like it," said Kate Doyle, Guatemala project director at the archives, expressing amazement at "the description of our intimacy with the Guatemalan security forces." Three months after the cable about the safe house, on March 6, 1966, security forces arrested 32 people suspected of aiding Marxist guerrillas; those arrested subsequently disappeared. While the Guatemalan government denied any involvement in the case, a CIA cable sent later that year identifies three of those missing, saying, "The following Guatemalan Communists and terrorists were executed secretly by Guatemalan authorities on the night of March 6." The CIA has a long history of involvement in Guatemala, having helped to orchestrate the army's overthrow of a democratically elected government in 1954. Nevertheless, largely because of human rights concerns, the United States never provided Guatemalan security forces with the same level of support it gave anti-communist forces in neighboring Nicaragua and El Salvador during fighting in the 1980s. In 1977 the Guatemalan government rejected $2.1 million in U.S. military aid because it was conditioned on improved performance on human rights. But in the early 1980s, under the Reagan administration, the relationship warmed up again despite occasional clashes over the military's brutal tactics. As the Cold War raged in the 1960s and '70s, the United States gave the Guatemalan military $33 million in aid even though U.S. officials were aware of the army's dismal track record on human rights, the documents show. On Oct. 23, 1967, for example, a secret State Department cable reported that covert Guatemalan security operations included "kidnapping, torture and summary executions." The cable said that "in the past year . . . approximately 500-600 persons have been killed; with the addition of the 'missing' persons this figure might double to 1,000-2,000." It also described the government's Special Commando Unit, which used civilians as well as military personnel and carried out "abductions, bombings, street assassinations and executions of real or alleged communists." A 1992 CIA cable confirmed that indigenous villages were targeted for destruction because of the army's belief that the Indians supported the guerrillas. In describing one episode, which occurred shortly before it was written, the cable reported that "several villages have been burned to the ground." It continued, "The well-documented belief by the army that the entire Ixil Indian population is [pro-guerrilla] has created a situation in which the army can be expected to give no quarter to combatants and noncombatants alike." An April 1994 Defense Intelligence Agency report outlined how, in the 1980s, as U.S. aid grew, Guatemalan military intelligence agents dumped suspected guerrillas – dead and alive – out of airplanes into the ocean. "In this way they have been able to remove the majority of the evidence showing that the prisoners were tortured and killed," the memo said. But as grim a picture as the documents portray, said Doyle, the project director, the Clinton administration was to be commended for making them public. "The commission asked for documents from Argentina, Israel and Taiwan," Doyle said. "Only the United States responded.
Clinton: Support for Guatemala Was Wrong --3/11/1999
Clinton: Support for Guatemala Was Wrong
By Charles BabingtonWashington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, March 11, 1999;
GUATEMALA CITY, March 10 – President Clinton expressed regret today for the U.S. role in Guatemala's 36-year civil war, saying that Washington "was wrong" to have supported Guatemalan security forces in a brutal counterinsurgency campaign that slaughtered thousands of civilians. Clinton's statements marked the first substantive comment from the administration since an independent commission concluded last month that U.S.-backed security forces committed the vast majority of human rights abuses during the war, including torture, kidnapping and the murder of thousands of rural Mayans. "It is important that I state clearly that support for military forces or intelligence units which engaged in violent and widespread repression of the kind described in the report was wrong," Clinton said, reading carefully from handwritten notes. "And the United States must not repeat that mistake. We must, and we will, instead continue to support the peace and reconciliation process in Guatemala." Guatemalan President Alvaro Arzu sat next to Clinton when he made the remarks at a "peace round table" in the ornate National Palace of Culture, but had no immediate response. His press aides said they were unsure whether he would comment. Clinton's aides said the president had thought for some time about how to word his near-apology. The Guatemalan military received training and other help from the U.S. military in an era when the United States supported several Latin American rightist governments fighting leftist insurgents. The record of the Guatemalan security forces was laid bare in a report released Feb. 25 by the Historical Clarification Commission, which grew out of the U.N.-sponsored peace process that ended the war in 1996. The commission said the Guatemalan military had committed "acts of genocide" during the conflict, in which 200,000 people died. Clinton's comments capped a busy, nation-hopping day that began in San Salvador, El Salvador's capital. There, he told Central American leaders that their recently democratized region deserves to be a more equal partner with the United States, and he pledged to make several trade and immigration changes they have sought. In what aides billed in advance as the major address of his four-day Central American visit, Clinton praised the nations for ending their devastating civil wars and shifting to democratic systems of government. All Central American countries, he noted in a speech in San Salvador before the Salvadoran Legislative Assembly, now have freely elected leaders. Winning applause from the legislature's 83 attending members, the president vowed to reduce tariffs on some Central American exports, press for nearly $1 billion in new aid for victims of Hurricane Mitch and give $8 million to the region's schools. Tiptoeing around the sensitive issue of past U.S. support for rightist governments in the region, Clinton also acknowledged that the United States had undergone "bitter divisions about our role in your region," which included a "dark and painful period." But he did not grant one key request from this region's leaders, who want the United States to cease or slow deportation of undocumented Central Americans, many of whom send money to relatives in their impoverished homelands. "We must continue to discourage illegal immigration," he said. "We must enforce our laws." Clinton did, however, say he will fight to put illegal immigrants from Guatemala and El Salvador on an equal footing with Nicaraguans, who enjoy easier rules in proving "hardship," a condition that can allow them to remain in the United States although they crossed the border illegally. The Nicaraguan rules are a holdover from U.S. animosity toward the former Sandinista regime, the leftist government of the 1980s that some Nicaraguans had sought to escape by moving illegally to the United States. "I will do everything I possibly can to overcome that different treatment," Clinton said, drawing a roar of approval from the Salvadoran lawmakers. Administration officials already are drafting plans to change the guidelines, which do not require congressional approval, presidential aides said. In Guatemala, Clinton said he would seek to change the guidelines by law and executive action. In his speech in San Salvador, Clinton alluded to the brutal civil wars and insurrections that killed thousands of people in Guatemala, El Salvador, Nicaragua and, to a lesser degree, Honduras, in recent decades. He did not, however, apologize for U.S. support for the Salvadoran military in the 1980s, which totaled billions of dollars during a war that cost 70,000 lives. "Just a few years ago, the people of Central America were suffering from a legion of man-made disasters far more cruel than anything nature can bestow on us," he said. Over the past several years, he said, "a battlefield of ideology has been transformed into a marketplace of ideas." When Clinton traveled later in the day to Guatemala City, he ran into one of the few signs of protest during his trip. Several demonstrators held signs decrying U.S. support for the military during its counterinsurgency campaign. A few yelled, "Viva Monica," a reference to former White House intern Monica S. Lewinsky.
© Copyright 1999 The Washington Post Company
|
| President Clinton, left, and Guatemalan President Alvaro Arzu Irigoyen review a military honor guard at the presidential palace in Guatemala City on Wednesday. (AP) |
Thursday, March 11, 1999;
GUATEMALA CITY, March 10 – President Clinton expressed regret today for the U.S. role in Guatemala's 36-year civil war, saying that Washington "was wrong" to have supported Guatemalan security forces in a brutal counterinsurgency campaign that slaughtered thousands of civilians. Clinton's statements marked the first substantive comment from the administration since an independent commission concluded last month that U.S.-backed security forces committed the vast majority of human rights abuses during the war, including torture, kidnapping and the murder of thousands of rural Mayans. "It is important that I state clearly that support for military forces or intelligence units which engaged in violent and widespread repression of the kind described in the report was wrong," Clinton said, reading carefully from handwritten notes. "And the United States must not repeat that mistake. We must, and we will, instead continue to support the peace and reconciliation process in Guatemala." Guatemalan President Alvaro Arzu sat next to Clinton when he made the remarks at a "peace round table" in the ornate National Palace of Culture, but had no immediate response. His press aides said they were unsure whether he would comment. Clinton's aides said the president had thought for some time about how to word his near-apology. The Guatemalan military received training and other help from the U.S. military in an era when the United States supported several Latin American rightist governments fighting leftist insurgents. The record of the Guatemalan security forces was laid bare in a report released Feb. 25 by the Historical Clarification Commission, which grew out of the U.N.-sponsored peace process that ended the war in 1996. The commission said the Guatemalan military had committed "acts of genocide" during the conflict, in which 200,000 people died. Clinton's comments capped a busy, nation-hopping day that began in San Salvador, El Salvador's capital. There, he told Central American leaders that their recently democratized region deserves to be a more equal partner with the United States, and he pledged to make several trade and immigration changes they have sought. In what aides billed in advance as the major address of his four-day Central American visit, Clinton praised the nations for ending their devastating civil wars and shifting to democratic systems of government. All Central American countries, he noted in a speech in San Salvador before the Salvadoran Legislative Assembly, now have freely elected leaders. Winning applause from the legislature's 83 attending members, the president vowed to reduce tariffs on some Central American exports, press for nearly $1 billion in new aid for victims of Hurricane Mitch and give $8 million to the region's schools. Tiptoeing around the sensitive issue of past U.S. support for rightist governments in the region, Clinton also acknowledged that the United States had undergone "bitter divisions about our role in your region," which included a "dark and painful period." But he did not grant one key request from this region's leaders, who want the United States to cease or slow deportation of undocumented Central Americans, many of whom send money to relatives in their impoverished homelands. "We must continue to discourage illegal immigration," he said. "We must enforce our laws." Clinton did, however, say he will fight to put illegal immigrants from Guatemala and El Salvador on an equal footing with Nicaraguans, who enjoy easier rules in proving "hardship," a condition that can allow them to remain in the United States although they crossed the border illegally. The Nicaraguan rules are a holdover from U.S. animosity toward the former Sandinista regime, the leftist government of the 1980s that some Nicaraguans had sought to escape by moving illegally to the United States. "I will do everything I possibly can to overcome that different treatment," Clinton said, drawing a roar of approval from the Salvadoran lawmakers. Administration officials already are drafting plans to change the guidelines, which do not require congressional approval, presidential aides said. In Guatemala, Clinton said he would seek to change the guidelines by law and executive action. In his speech in San Salvador, Clinton alluded to the brutal civil wars and insurrections that killed thousands of people in Guatemala, El Salvador, Nicaragua and, to a lesser degree, Honduras, in recent decades. He did not, however, apologize for U.S. support for the Salvadoran military in the 1980s, which totaled billions of dollars during a war that cost 70,000 lives. "Just a few years ago, the people of Central America were suffering from a legion of man-made disasters far more cruel than anything nature can bestow on us," he said. Over the past several years, he said, "a battlefield of ideology has been transformed into a marketplace of ideas." When Clinton traveled later in the day to Guatemala City, he ran into one of the few signs of protest during his trip. Several demonstrators held signs decrying U.S. support for the military during its counterinsurgency campaign. A few yelled, "Viva Monica," a reference to former White House intern Monica S. Lewinsky.
martes, 29 de enero de 2013
Los Países Hispanohablantes y Thatcher
View Thatcher Spanish 2012-2013 in a larger map
Estudiantes de Thatcher Spanish 2012-2013
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Costa Rica--Sae B. (estudios)
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El Salvador--Chris
C. (voluntario)
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New Mexico--Chris C. (residencia)
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Oviedo--Grace H. (estudios)
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Argentina--Lucia
Q. (residencia)
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San Juan, Puerto Rico--Katia
R. (residencia)
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Guatemala--Grace H., Sae B., Eleni
N., Fran B. (alt. SPRING BREAK)
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Salamanca--Nathan F., Silas
C. (estudios)
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Peru--Cristina C. (residencia), Grace
H. (viajes)
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Ecuador--Sarai Z. (residencia)
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Santo Domingo--Lazaro P., Francis
C. (residencia)
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Los Angeles--Salvador
O. (residencia)
|
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Venezuela--Jayne R. (residencia)
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Chile--Sela K. (residencia)
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Granada--Claire R. (estudios)
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Boston
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Madrid--Ryan P. (estudios)
|
|
La Paz--Jayne R. (viaje)
|
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Sevilla--Sofia B., Adam C.,
Stephen S. (estudios)
|
|
Mexico--Priscilla
V. (residencia), Sae B. (residencia)
|
|
Colombia--Cruzana
B. (viaje)
|
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Guatemala--Jessenia
C. (residencia)
|
|
Alicante--Ryan P. (estudios)
|
| |
Valencia--Samantha
M. (viaje)
Nicaragua--Sae B. (viaje) |
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